As at the end of the trans-Atlantic slave trade in the mid-1800s and the emergence of the crude oil trade roughly a century later, Nigeria’s primary external commerce centered on imported alcoholic beverages. While spirits predominated, beer also played a role in this trade. This analysis contextualizes the consumption of both native and imported beer within broader frameworks.
Throughout human history, various substances have been sought after to induce specific bodily sensations, with the use of intoxicants being a universal practice. Among these, alcohol holds paramount economic and cultural significance, being the most prevalent and deeply ingrained in diverse cultures worldwide.
In Nigeria, beer consumption was not merely a personal choice but also a factor intertwined with larger economic and cultural dynamics. It served as a link to the global economy through trade and contributed revenue through taxation, upon which colonial administrations and later post-colonial governments heavily relied.
The influx of imported liquor irreversibly altered previous drinking habits by influencing the production, consumption, and perception of local wines and beers. It introduced new alcoholic beverages previously unknown to Nigerians. While traditional beers and palm wine were derived naturally from local sources, the production processes of these stronger spirits were unfamiliar. Imported liquor represented a foreign commodity and, consequently, was viewed as a coveted object of trade by Nigerians.
Traditional Nigerian Brews
Traditional, communal brews indigenous to Nigeria have been a staple long preceding the arrival of British colonialists and even preceding the era of slave traders. Notably, the Kofyar people of the Jos Plateau region were deeply intertwined with beer culture, as they “make, drink, talk, and think about beer.” While palm wine was common in the southern regions, northern communities relied on cereal grains as the base for various brews fermented without yeast. Guinea corn was commonly brewed into beverages like pito or burukutu.
Among the Tiv people, women would crush, soak, and boil guinea corn, allowing it to ferment in large storage containers. This process from harvest to consumption took approximately five days. Millet, producing a beverage with a higher alcohol content than guinea corn, required an additional day for preparation. Brewing maize resulted in drinks like ghia, oti-oka, oti agbado, yangan, or shekete, fermenting the maize starch into sugar and then into carbonic acid and alcohol. This straightforward fermentation method, akin to English cider-making, was also effective with local fruits such as over-ripe plantain (oti ogede or agadagidi).
In the social sphere, the consumption of these local brews served multiple roles, addressing personal, communal, and ritual needs as both a lubricant and an intoxicant. In regions where water was scarce or unsafe to drink, alcohol served as a viable alternative for hydration. Not all of the brewed alcohol was necessarily consumed, with libations often poured on the ground or into local rivers as offerings. Indigenous alcohol held a significant place in daily life across various stages of Nigerian life, from celebratory events like naming ceremonies and weddings to more solemn occasions like funeral rites and rituals honoring ancestors.
The Alcohol Trade
Despite a wide array of native beverages available, Nigerians lacked the knowledge of brewing lager beer or distilling spirits. Their expertise was primarily in tapping palm wine or fermenting grain-based brews. The Atlantic slave trade, driven by the exchange of slaves for rum and whisky, popularized imported liquor.
However, these imported drinks did not entirely replace local beverages; instead, they coexisted, complemented, and competed with them. Some observers questioned the necessity of such competition, viewing spirituous liquor as a superfluous and hazardous luxury, stating, “The African has his palm wine and corn beer. To him, spirituous liquor is unnecessary.”
Following the abolition of the slave trade, the liquor trade persisted and flourished, especially in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The demand for imported liquor in Nigeria surged in tandem with the expansion of British control over the territory from the 1860s onward.
Lager beers, various wines, and spirits such as brandy, gin (schnapps), rum, and whisky were imported in significant quantities into British colonies like Lagos, Oil Rivers Protectorate, Niger Coast Protectorate, and Southern Nigeria, which were eventually amalgamated into the Southern Provinces of Nigeria in 1914. German and later Dutch schnapps dominated the market. Throughout the decades leading up to this period, liquor stood as Nigeria’s primary import both in terms of volume and retail value.
During the initial phase of British colonial administration in Southern Nigeria, the trade in imported liquor gained prominence. However, not all liquor was consumed directly. Instead, single bottles or entire cases often circulated through barter transactions. The economic functions of imported liquor complemented its social role, serving as a significant source of colonial revenue and functioning as a transitional currency. Liquor played a pivotal role in unlocking Nigeria’s economic potential, acting as a key agent in the extractive economy.
In the late 19th century, the liquor trade played a crucial role in integrating Nigeria into the global capitalist system, drawing small-scale farmers and traders into overseas trading networks. It served as a catalyst for the development of the cash-crop-for-export sector. By the early 20th century, liquor accounted for approximately one-third of Nigeria’s imports expenditure, prompting debates over its economic implications.
Imported beer, particularly from Germany, gained popularity in Lagos, with significant increases in imports observed over the years. German-brewed beers dominated the market, overshadowing British imports. This trend was also evident in other regions, such as the Niger Coast Protectorate and Northern Nigeria.
Imported beer, particularly from Germany, gained popularity in Lagos, with significant increases in imports observed over the years. German-brewed beers dominated the market, overshadowing British imports. This trend was also evident in other regions, such as the Niger Coast Protectorate and Northern Nigeria. Despite British manufacturers’ desires for monopoly positions, Nigeria maintained a generally open economy, with no single manufacturer or country guaranteed dominance in colonial markets. Nigeria neither served as a protectionist’s haven nor as a dumping ground for metropolitan manufacturers.
Transportation Revolution and the Expansion of Liquor Trade
Locally brewed alcohol in Nigeria was typically consumed within the vicinity of its production. Nigerians seldom transported these beverages outside their production areas, except in regions where navigable waterways facilitated transportation. Palm wine was often obtained by climbing trees, while fermented grain beers were brewed from surplus harvests and consumed locally.
Conversely, the early trade in imported liquor was primarily limited to a narrow coastal strip due to transportation challenges. The fragile and bulky nature of bottled liquor made transport difficult and expensive, particularly away from coastal areas or into the remote corners of Nigeria.
However, Nigeria was undergoing a transport revolution during this period, with the advent of motor vehicles, trains, and river steamers significantly altering the transportation landscape. This revolution not only facilitated export-oriented transport systems but also reshaped the distribution of imported goods like liquor.
Cheaper transportation costs led to a reduction in liquor retail prices, making it more accessible to a wider population. As a result, the trading frontier of liquor began to expand inland in search of new markets, supported by various means of transportation competing for customers, including canoes, trains, lorries, cars, and even bicycles. This increased mobility of alcohol created a national market for liquor, extending its reach to even the most remote parts of Nigeria.
Despite Northern Nigeria being designated as a liquor-free zone due to the predominantly Muslim population and their religious prohibition of alcohol, smuggling of liquor occurred. This presented a challenge for colonial authorities who were obligated to enforce the prohibition. Various enforcement measures, such as the River Niger Protective Service, the Lokoja Preventive Service, and the Railway Detective Service, were established to prevent smuggled liquor from entering the north.
While these services incurred significant costs, their value was primarily measured by the prevention of contraband rather than the convictions secured. Nonetheless, with most liquor supplies reduced to expensive contraband on the black market, some poorer drinkers in the north resorted to substituting unorthodox liquids like eau de cologne or methylated spirits.
